The BJP is contesting the Lok Sabha elections alone in Punjab for the first time since 1996. How do you assess the political scenario?

Jakhar: The political situation in Punjab is fluid. The state went through an overhaul with the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) forming the government. But its meteoric rise has been followed by a downfall. People have realised they have been taken for a ride.

How do you look at the BJP’s poll prospects?

This is the most appropriate time for the BJP as people are looking for an option. They tried an out-of-the-box experiment in the form of the AAP. They are not just dissatisfied, but also disgusted with it.

How do you look at farm unions’ strident protests against the BJP candidates on ground?

There is a concerted effort by certain organisations (to disrupt the BJP campaign). There is a residual anger from what happened at the Singhu border which is now being exploited. The protests are not based on facts and it’s not an organic expression of farmers’ concerns. Either somebody is using this for personal gains or it’s a larger scenario being played out in the name of farmers. It’s choreographed. What is the compulsion of farmer unions to keep mum on key local issues? I can understand their grudge against the BJP, but they not taking up issues that are state subjects, such as the compensation for crop loss due to last year’s floods. Why are unions not speaking up against the AAP government? Why is the opposition Congress also quiet on this?

So, farmer protests are hampering your campaign?

Yes, of course. In a way when any protest happens, our issues get downplayed. It’s not just about hampering the campaign. My concern is that this is going to create fissures in society because there are people in villages and towns who don’t agree with farm unions. Where is their fight for the cause of farm labourers? People briefing these farm leaders about minimum wages know that giving wages is a state subject. Again, farmer unions are mum. Why has the AAP government made the KYC process so difficult to get the Kisan Samman Nidhi? As for the BJP, where our candidate doesn’t go, we have karyakartas (our workers) who are the party’s strength. The aggressive posturing of farmer bodies is making many sections of society feel threatened. This kangaroo court mentality is the threat. Is this what we want Punjab to be?.

So you’re suggesting farm leaders are now degenerating into vigilantism?

Some of them are earning a bad name for the farm unions. These so-called leaders are losing their credibility. They have failed to take up local issues of farmers and are exploiting residual sentiments and losing credibility. Nobody is denying that farmers have genuine concerns that need to be addressed but a few demands are directionless. They are seeking guarantee for MSP but on paddy and wheat, you are already getting 100% MSP. So what is the issue? Which guarantee are you talking about? Whose battle is Punjab fighting? Are we talking about Bihar and UP that are not getting it? Nowhere else are agitations for MSP taking place other than Punjab and Haryana and these are the two states for which the MSP was tailor-made. The farmer community is being fooled in the name of MSP.

What are the real issues of Punjab?

Drugs and law and order. You campaign in any town or village in Punjab and they ask for Yogi (UP chief minister Yogi Adityanath). What does Yogi stand for? He is a symbol of enforcing law and order. An RSS worker, Vikas Prabhakar, was shot at a few days ago, but it was nowhere in the news. The main opposition Congress is party to this problem as it’s brushing the real issues under the carpet.

The BJP has listed steps that the Narendra Modi government took for the Sikh community and farmer welfare, but that doesn’t seem to carry conviction in Punjab. Is there a crisis of credibility that the BJP is facing here?

This is a perception, and we’re fighting against it. Rather, I’ll say there are two perceptions against the BJP in Punjab. One was created by our alliance partner, the Shiromani Akali Dal, that the BJP is anti-Sikh. Facts belie this. Anybody else could be anti-Sikh but not the BJP. When Dr Manmohan Singh was PM, he was respected not just because of being a Sikh or a Punjabi but for his intelligence. He must have in his heart that the Kartarpur Corridor should be opened, but somehow he was not able to do it. Modi did it even though he is so against Pakistan. If he were anti-Sikh, why would he even take up the issue?

You were backing an alliance with the Shiromani Akali Dal. Do you think having Akalis on your side would have been better?

Politically it could have helped both parties because right now the SAD is facing a battle of survival. For us, it’s a challenge to go from three to 13. But there are many inherent opportunities as well. The 1996 coalition with the SAD was not a political but a social one. SAD, being a regional party and political wing of the Panth, can’t be overlooked. That’s why the SAD requires a strong leadership. Sukhbir (Singh Badal) ji still has sins to wash of, including the drug problem and sacrilege cases.

Sukhbir blamed the BJP for the collapse of tie-up talks.

This was decided at that highest level. But the SAD still suffers from the ‘Chota bhai, bada bhai (big brother)’ syndrome. Since the BJP and SAD were to share six and seven seats, respectively, the Akalis feared we would win more seats. They took a shorter view of the situation. If they had looked at the long term, they would not be in this pitiable position.

With leaders, including you, joining, the new BJP looks like the old Congress. Will this help the party expand its base in Punjab?

The party must have thought out these things. Why would they bring a guy like me? I wear my ideas on my sleeve. They decided to make me the Punjab unit head because they were trying to send a message. Punjab is a special case for the PM and they want to expand the party base. There’s a large scope because we have to grow from 23 to 117 in the assembly.

Has the idea of bringing Sikh faces from other parties worked for the BJP in Punjab?

There’s an underlying message that if we have Sikh faces at least it gives the BJP a chance to grow beyond its traditional urban constituency. We lacked leadership in the rural areas because Badal saab, with his personality and kind of equation with senior BJP leaders of the time, never gave an opportunity for local leadership in the party to grow in those areas. A leader is not made in a day. For the BJP, it will take a while from 2024 to 2027.

Why are you so sure that Punjab will vote for the BJP?

Nobody can deny that the BJP will have a respectable result in terms of vote share and the number of seats won. The 2024 election is a stepping stone to 2027 and it’s going to be a direct fight between the BJP and the AAP. We are not playing second fiddle to the SAD. Punjab has a secular character. The Modi magic didn’t work here in 2014 and in 2019 even the so-called Hindutva factor did not push them into voting. This time, people believe the BJP is here to stay. They are fed up with the AAP and the CM’s antics. The Congress is going to be wiped out because of its leaders’ mentality.

You were a Congress veteran and now you are state BJP chief. What difference do you see in the functioning of the two parties?

The Congress has become a complacent party. It has been cashing on its brand of fighting for the country’s freedom. It has nothing new to offer, while the BJP has a committed and dedicated force of workers with a strong belief in ideology. The BJP’s biggest strength is its committed cadre.

Of the 13 Lok Sabha seats, the BJP has given seven tickets to those who joined from other parties. Hasn’t this created heartburn among its traditional workers?

The BJP is committed to strengthening its Punjab unit. In the 130-year-old Congress, how many original party leaders were given the ticket? Maybe six? The same is the story with the so-called volunteer party.

Captain Amarinder Singh has not been attending party meetings or campaigning. What keeps him away?

(Laughs) What’s new? This is the USP of Captain Amarinder Singh. He does not follow norms. He sets the norms. He has ruled Punjabi hearts by being what he is.

Any chance of you contesting the 2027 assembly election?

I decided to stay out of electoral politics when I saw the real faces of my so-called colleagues. People such as Sukhjinder Singh Randhawa, Charanjit Channi and Amarinder Singh Raja Warring first said if Sunil becomes CM ‘aag lag jayegi (Punjab will burn)’ because I’m a Hindu. They started doubting my identity. I never felt out of place in Punjab. When I quit, Rahul Gandhi asked me why and I told him that you have these jokers in the Congress and I’ll have to deal with them. They’re not going anywhere so I’m out. They rubbed salt into my wounds and Rahul ji never thought it proper to call or send somebody to talk to me. Rather, they sent a notice. I can’t compromise on my self-respect.

Punjab CM Mann alleges discrimination against Punjab by the BJP-led Centre.

He has been harping on the ₹5,000-crore dues with the Centre. This amount was withheld because the rural development cess was being used for everything else except rural development. If they had amended the policy, why didn’t they go to the Planning Commission meeting? Mann chose to go to the Supreme Court. Then let him wait for the court to decide. Why blame the Centre? Punjab still has ₹8,000 crore from the Centre unspent. Like (Arvind) Kejriwal ji in Delhi, he creates a position of confrontation with the Centre.

What is going in the BJP’s favour in Punjab this time?

Strong leadership and development agenda set by the BJP. Punjab is facing disintegration of parties. Dissent is growing due to the failed promises of the AAP. Punjab has always been a fan of strong leadership that the BJP has in the form of Modi.